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Students may have to plan for months just to get access to British territory; no employer will be able to take their pick from the pool of European wide talent on offer; the most talented will no longer be able to see if they can make it in London, and will go or stay elsewhere. At lower ends of the scale, British workers will be now privileged to take up the low paid, dirty, dangerous, dull, flexible and insecure work that a few years before they would have been delighted to leave to others.

Many will still avoid taking such employment; there will therefore be fresh demand for cheaper, irregular immigrants from further afield. Britons may also struggle to relearn entrepreneurial skills that have been wiped out by East European competition. No-one, moreover, can gainsay the hard to quantify effects on other free movements — of capital, goods and services.

Will international corporations want to stay in a newly parochial British environment, wrapped in red tape employment restrictions and complex visa based immigration controls, which prevent the regional and global labour market from working as it should? Will trade with European neighbours recover from new intrusive controls on routine border crossings and business travel?

Eurostars and Eurocities by Adrian Favell

Will the one million or so European foreigners resident in Britain be given three months to naturalise a sure bet for the poorest and least wanted, if not others ; or face deportation? Has anyone seriously thought about how the end of free movement of persons is practically to be implemented to avoid complete chaos for this 2 per cent of the working population?

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Conservative nationalists are flirting with intrusive free market regulation and restriction — in the name of border control, insider community privilege, and labour law implementation — that might make a hardy social democrat blush. Labour nationalists, meanwhile, have turned blue imagining a return of Britain to a pristine, post-colonial, island condition, in which the new forms of regional diversity and cosmopolitanism that came with recent globalisation are shut out by frankly xenophobic barriers.

Londoners, most of whom know something about movement and mobility, apparently largely agree: with UKIP doing half as well in the capital, and pro-European parties gaining well over 50 per cent in the recent European elections.

How to support labour market mobility in Europe?

The thought of cosmopolitan London having to align itself with Little England is surely impossible: maybe they too, like Scotland, should think about secession. About the Author. Don flynn has rightly put the issue in proper perspective. The issues related nationality, citizenship,immigration,labor as saleable commodity in global market like capital are interrelated and overlapping but Flynn has brought out demarcating lines and correlated immigration and development, immigration as labor to citizenship right, nationalism from free movement of labor across borders and also brought out the historical data to support his analysis.

Tecknology led Globalisation benefits will percolate to most backward regions and section of people if only certain misgivings on immigration and emigration issues connected to hyped threat to national identity and autonomy in the process of global free market capitalism, a bogey blown out of proportion by dishonest local politicians, are clarified.

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Where the Commonwealth citizens who came to the UK under the free movement regime which existed prior to the Commonwealth Migrants Act not migrants? Or Irish people who came to the UK as British citizens prior to and thereafter as Irish citizens benefiting from the right to move freely within the Common Travel Area?

Migration is commonly understood to mean movement across a national border and the mere fact that one group does so with the benefit of having a secure set of rights to rely on whilst other are subject to the whims of control procedures does not change that. If, as this piece correctly argues, the UK has benefited from the migration of a set of people with rights to free movement and protection against discrimination then it becomes plausible to suggest that this standard ought also to be available to migrants from other regions. Saying that the two groups are represent different characters and, as this piece complies, should not be compared, merely postpones the day when we improve the rights available to all migrants.

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Eurostars and Eurocities : free movement and mobility in an integrating Europe

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